The Palestinian-Israeli conflict is one of the most complex and protracted regional conflicts in the world today, with its roots dating back more than a century. The conflict involves multiple dimensions such as territory, sovereignty, security, national identity, etc., and affects the destiny of two peoples, Israel and Palestine. The core issues of the conflict include Israeli settlements, the status of Jerusalem, the rights of Palestinian refugees, and border demarcation . In recent years, with the intensification of the humanitarian crisis in the Gaza Strip, the deepening of partisan divisions in Palestine, and the rightward shift in domestic politics in Israel, the peace process has come to a standstill, and the situation has continued to deteriorate. The confluence of these factors has led to the escalation of the conflict and triggered a severe humanitarian crisis, with civilian casualties and displacement since the October 2023 military conflict triggering widespread international concern.

Against the backdrop of this conflict, the plight of minority women has become even more pronounced. Women living in the Palestinian-Israeli region, especially those from marginalized communities, face compounded challenges due to their gender and ethnic identity. They are subjected to multiple pressures, such as threats of violence, economic hardship, lack of medical resources, social exclusion, and disruption of educational opportunities. Living in conflict zones perpetuates insecurity for them, and gender-based violence, including sexual assault, is particularly prevalent, especially in times of military occupation and heightened tensions. Economic instability in conflict zones forces minority women into low-paid, precarious jobs. The severe lack of medical resources mainly affects maternal health, with chronic diseases not being treated promptly and reproductive health services being minimal. In addition, the lack of safe educational opportunities diminishes the prospects of young girls and limits their economic independence. The social marginalization of minority females in conflict zones further limits their ability to participate in decision-making and peace processes, and their needs are often ignored. The stereotypical portrayal of these women in the media makes it difficult for their authentic voices to be heard, further deepening their sense of isolation. The intertwined effects of gender, ethnicity, and conflict create multiple facets of oppression that require urgent attention. Despite the many challenges they face, minority women in the Palestinian-Israeli region have demonstrated resilience and leadership. Many Palestinian women have played important roles in community organizing and political advocacy, speaking out for peace and justice. Their courage highlights the importance of including women’s voices in peace and conflict resolution discussions.

Against this backdrop, this study focuses on the situation of minority women in the context of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, exploring the multiple dilemmas they face in the areas of daily life, employment, and education, as well as their underlying causes. Adopting case study and literature review methods, the study takes an intersectional theoretical perspective to reveal how the intersection of race, gender, and national identity affects the survival status of ethnic minority women. It will first sort out the historical background of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and shed light on the particular impact of the conflict on female groups. It will then focus on the situation of Palestinian women in Israeli society, including the systemic injustices they experience in terms of legal protection, employment opportunities, and educational resources. The study finds that minority women in Israel are situated in a highly racialized and gendered social structure, experience a “glass ceiling” in the job market, face language barriers and cultural identity crises in the field of education, and often experience systemic neglect when seeking legal protection. In addition, the study looks at the opportunities and challenges for Palestinian-Israeli women in cross-cultural cooperation and finds that despite positive attempts, such as the “Jerusalem Connection,” the effectiveness of cross-cultural dialogues is limited due to the avoidance of structural political issues and fundamental differences in the experiences of the two sides. Based on these findings, the report summarizes the underlying causes of these problems, explores the critical role of women in the peace process, and puts forward policy recommendations such as improving the legal protection system, promoting gender-sensitive peace initiatives, and fostering multicultural education, all of which are intended to provide valuable reflections and suggestions for the promotion of gender equality and social justice in the Palestinian-Israeli region.

In Israel, Palestinian women live in a highly racialized and gendered social structure, and their situation reflects a complex intersection of race, gender, class, and national identity. This intersection places them at a legal and institutional disadvantage and subjects them to widespread social exclusion in their daily lives. Israel’s self-positioning as a “Jewish State,” while formally granting equal rights to all citizens, has, in practice, perpetuated the marginalization of Palestinian Arab citizens. For Palestinian women, this marginalization is further exacerbated by their gendered identity, and they face unique oppressions and challenges in both the public and private spheres.

This unique situation compels Palestinian women to negotiate their identity in a “third space constantly.” The “third space” refers to their simultaneous racialized exclusion from the Jewish State and gendered restrictions within the Palestinian community. The intersection of these dual identities creates enormous tensions in their daily lives, professional development, and education. In the job market, for example, they are not only discriminated against based on their Palestinian identity but also restricted to low-paid, low-skilled positions based on their gender identity. In the education system, they are forced to find a balance between the dominant Hebrew culture and their own Arab culture, and this cultural clash has far-reaching consequences for their academic performance and mental health. In addition, Palestinian women experience systematic neglect when seeking justice. Israeli legal and law enforcement agencies often display indifference and bias when dealing with cases of violence involving Palestinian women. This not only perpetuates their victimization within their families and communities but also further erodes their trust in state institutions. In public discourse, they are often stereotyped as “potential enemies” or “fifth columnists, " a stigmatization that exposes them to greater social isolation and hostility.

This section examines in detail the marginalization of Palestinian women in Israeli society at four levels: social exclusion, the legal system, the employment environment, and the educational environment. By analyzing the challenges and contradictions they face in these areas, the paper seeks to reveal how racialization, gendering, and classification work together to shape Palestinian women’s existential dilemmas and identities. At the same time, this paper will also focus on how they strive to gain more voice and social identity through knowledge, social networks, and self-expression in the face of these multiple oppressions.

Better-educated Palestinian women find themselves in a “third space” where they are constantly negotiating their identity in a complex intersection of race, gender, class and national identity. Despite formal equality, Palestinian Arab citizens are de facto marginalized by Israel’s self-definition as a Jewish state. Women interviewed generally reflected that they are discriminated against in Israeli society because of theirArab identity. For example, one woman mentioned avoiding speaking Arabic in shopping centers because “if they hear me, they immediately scrutinize and search me”. This social exclusion is particularly pronounced in areas such as employment and housing. Some women have been refused rent by landlords for revealing their Arab identity, even after a previous agreement, showing the profound impact of racialized daily realities on their living environment (Herzog, 2004).

The issue of Palestinian females’ identity is even more pronounced in cross-cultural exchanges involved in peace building projects. Palestinian-Israeli females often face identity questioning, and they struggle between being Palestinian and Israeli. For example, one woman mentioned that she is often asked to identify herself in the school environment - as a Palestinian or an Israeli. She noted, “Sometimes we have to be Israeli girls, sometimes Palestinian girls, but we are always seen as ‘Arab-Israeli girls,’ which is a contradictory identity that needs to be balanced between Jerusalem and Tel Aviv” ( Collier, 2009). This hybrid identity leads to multiple identity tensions that not only create conflict on a personal level, but also profoundly affect public life. They need to constantly adjust their identities in education, employment, and social participation to accommodate racialized norms in different scenarios (Sharoni, 2012).

This dual identity exacerbates conflicts and hostilities at the social and political levels. For example, during the second intifada, many Palestinian citizens engaged in protests against Israeli occupation policies. However, the Israeli government and society viewed these protests as a threat to national security, further deepening mistrust of the Palestinian minority. In Israeli media and political discourse, Palestinian citizens are often portrayed as a “fifth column” or “potential enemy”, a stereotype that not only damages their social relations but also negatively affects their political rights. For example, in 2010, the Knesset passed a series of legislations restricting the activities of Arab political parties and parliamentarians and imposing harsher penalties for “national disloyalty” (Rouhana & Sultany, 2003). In addition, the intersection of gender inequality and the cultural framework of security and national identity in Israel has led to the double marginalization of Palestinian women on the basis of both gender and ethnicity. Not only are they confined to the domestic sphere because of their gender, but they are also excluded from national security and public affairs because of their ethnicity, a social structure that further entrenches their symbolization as “the other” (Herzog, 1998).

Palestinian women face difficulties in seeking legal protection. Shalhoub-Kevorkian’s (2004) study shows that the Israeli legal and police system often ignores cases of violence against Palestinian women. Herzog (2004) found through interviews that violence against Palestinian women due to their gender identity within their communities usually goes unaddressed, further exacerbating their situation exacerbates their situation. Especially in cases of domestic violence, the police often show indifference and neglect towards Palestinian women’s requests for help. This law enforcement bias is usually justified under the pretext of “cultural tolerance,” whereby domestic or gender-based violence is viewed as a “cultural problem” in Palestinian society, thus reducing the responsibility of the police to intervene and leaving the problem to be solved by the family or the community (Herzog, 1998). This attitude reflects institutionalized discrimination. This attitude demonstrates institutional discrimination (Sharoni, 2012), perpetuates their marginalization by society, and increases the vulnerability of female victims to danger (Rouhana & Sultany, 2003). 2020 saw a series of deaths of Palestinian women as a result of domestic violence, raising questions about existing legal protections. Despite calls from civil society organizations to pass a more comprehensive Family Protection Law, traditional forces have repeatedly blocked the legislative process. Existing laws and support systems fail to provide adequate protection for victims of domestic violence, resulting in many Palestinian women still struggling in violent environments.

Palestinian women also often experience injustices in the administration of justice based on their identity and language. In 2024, Ms. Ismail, an American citizen of Palestinian descent, was detained by Israeli authorities in the West Bank and charged with posting allegedly inflammatory content on social media. During her detention, she failed to receive prompt and adequate medical care despite suffering from severe asthma and anxiety disorders. Before the military court, she faced language barriers and inadequate legal representation, resulting in limitations on her right to a defense. Ultimately, Ms. Ismail was sentenced to six months in prison (Frankel, 2024). This case highlights the systemic injustices faced by Palestinian women in the Israeli military justice system, including lack of medical care, procedural discrimination, and suppression of freedom of expression.

Meanwhile, reports by human rights organizations indicate that Palestinian female detainees are often subjected to physical and psychological abuse, including sexual violence, solitary confinement, and lack of access to basic sanitary supplies. However, victims face obstacles in seeking legal redress, such as lack of legal aid, difficulties gathering evidence, and family and community pressures. These challenges further exacerbate their plight by making it difficult for them to obtain legal justice (United et al. Office of the High Commissioner, 2024).

Palestinian females face double pressures in the Israeli job market: racial discrimination against Arabs in Israeli society on the one hand and gender restrictions within the Palestinian community on the other  (Herzog, 2004). Even though many Palestinian women receive higher education, they encounter a “glass ceiling” in their career development (Herzog, 1998). This professional ceiling stems first and foremost from their ethnicity. For example, a woman who had worked in a bank for 13 years was never promoted despite her outstanding performance, while her Jewish female colleagues, who performed equally or even less well, were encouraged (Herzog, 2004). Another woman majoring in law was directly questioned about her religion during her job search, as Jewish employers are more accepting of Christian Arabs than Muslims (Herzog, 1998). Even if they are equally or even better qualified than their Jewish colleagues, they are often excluded from many high-paying and high-status professions because of their identity. One interviewee also noted that “even if we live in Israel and master Hebrew, we still need to prove our worth constantly, and this extra effort seems to be because of our Palestinian identity “ (Sharoni, 2012). Despite her outstanding performance, she still needs extra effort to prove her professional competence and worth. This bias based on race and religion further marginalizes Palestinian women.2023 In Israel, a law was passed that allowed the education department to fire teachers for their political stance, especially those educators who support Palestinian rights. This legislation sparked widespread criticism that it targeted the Palestinian community and could lead to the loss of jobs for Palestinian female teachers, exacerbating their marginalization in the field of education (Shpigel, 2024). This case reflects how structural discrimination can be rationalized through legal forms that further limit the professional choices of minority females.

The second is because of the gender discrimination they experience. In the job market, Palestinian females not only face occupational segregation but are also forced to accept low-paying, low-skilled jobs, such as cleaners or food service workers, which not only limits their economic independence but also further entrenches their low status in society (Yarchi, 2014). Employers have a deep-rooted bias against them, believing them to be less capable and less suited to certain “high-pressure” or “high-responsibility” positions. This discrimination is particularly evident in recruitment and promotion processes, making it difficult to advance in their careers even when they enter the workforce (Collier, 2009). The militarized social environment further limits employment opportunities for Palestinian women. Israeli society generally views individuals who have not served in the military as lacking in professional competence, and some firms explicitly prioritize candidates who have completed military service during the hiring process (Sharoni, 2012). However, most Palestinian females are unable to perform military service, which puts them at a disadvantage in the labor market (Herzog, 1998). Other issues of gender discrimination include lack of vocational training opportunities, discrimination in hiring, and the glass ceiling they face in the workplace. Such structural constraints make it difficult for them to access opportunities in high-paying sectors such as technology and finance, all of which further solidify their marginalized position in society (Shalhoub-Kevorkian, 2004). Overall, the inequality of Palestinian females in the job market is not only a matter of insufficient individual effort but a manifestation of a structural problem.

Many Palestinian females have their first in-depth contact with Israeli society in an educational setting (Herzog, 2004), but they are often discriminated against based on race and language. In Israeli universities, many Palestinian women are required to live in off-campus dormitories, but they often experience racial discrimination when looking for housing. Some landlords clarify that they will not rent to Arabs, and even if both parties have agreed on the lease terms, they may be rejected when signing. One interviewee recalled, “I have been in several situations where it was clear that the house had been negotiated, but when the landlord realized that I was Palestinian, he immediately backed out.” Such discrimination in accommodation not only adds to the stress of their lives but also reinforces their marginalization in society.

Meanwhile, Israeli universities teach mainly in Hebrew, while most Palestinian women’s native language is Arabic. The language barrier makes it difficult for them to express themselves in classroom discussions. One interviewee described, “I stood there as if I had the label ‘oppressed’ on my forehead and was afraid to voice my opinion at all.” This linguistic discomfort hindered their academic performance and made them feel isolated and helpless in the classroom.

The clash of cultural identities in course content further exacerbates the plight of Palestinian female students. During their college years, they are exposed to a broader body of critical knowledge that includes multiple perspectives on historical and social issues (Erdreich & Rapoport, 2002). These women realized mainstream academic discourse systematically marginalized their national and cultural identities. Israeli curricula are designed to be highly focused on Jewish history and Zionist narratives, while portrayals of Palestinian history and culture are extremely limited or even negative (Shalhoub-Kevorkian, 2004). For example, in telling the Zionist narrative, they found their cultural history portrayed as “threatening” or “alien.” One interviewee mentioned, “What we are taught is completely different from what we are taught in our families and communities. In school, I must hide who I am to avoid being seen as an enemy.” The exclusionary environment of higher education also has a profound impact on the mental health of Palestinian female students. While hoping to improve their social status by pursuing higher education, they constantly question their cultural identity and values due to the exclusionary educational content and campus culture (Yarchi, 2014). This psychological distress is mainly reflected in their language-learning process. Not only did they need to acquire academic knowledge in both Hebrew and English, but they also needed to find a balance of identity between the two languages. One student confessed, “Every time I express myself in Hebrew, I feel a sense of betrayal as if I am gradually moving away from my culture and language.”

Meanwhile, social segregation on campus further exacerbates Palestinian women’s sense of isolation and psychological burden. Many interviewees mentioned that it is difficult for them to integrate into mainstream social circles. In class, they are often afraid to express themselves easily for fear of being ostracized based on their ethnicity or political stance. One student recalled, “Once in a class discussion, I mentioned the Palestinian perspective, and the teacher criticized me publicly for not being objective enough. This prevented me from further commenting in the course after that.” While education is seen as an essential tool for social mobility, for Palestinian women, it is more of a struggle for culture and identity (Sharoni, 2012). The systematic exclusion they face in the Israeli education system not only affects academic performance but also, to some extent, their self-identity and psychological well-being.

One of the key reasons for the problematic situation of Palestinian-Israeli women is the ongoing Palestinian-Israeli conflict, and in order to solve this problem - building and sustaining peace - women’s participation is crucial. First of all, women often face specific challenges in the conflict, including gender-based violence and economic marginalization, etc. Women’s participation helps these issues receive more attention in peacebuilding, and a richer and more holistic perspective contributes to the sustainability of peace (Carey, 2019). At the same time, women are often rooted in their communities and can help rebuild them as grassroots peace mediators, reducing the likelihood of conflict recurrence (Carey, 2019).UNSCR 1325, a resolution passed in 2000, calls for increased female participation in all aspects of peace processes, including increased female representation at the negotiating table to ensure that peace accords are gender-sensitive, along with taking measures to protect women from sexual as well as gender-based violence in conflict situations and to have access to medical coverage, psychosocial support, and economic resources during reconstruction, among others (George & Shepherd, 2016).

The call for Resolution 1325 has been met with some degree of response from both Israel and Palestine. While the Israeli government has been slow to officially launch a National Action Plan (NAP), civil society organizations such as Itach Maaki - Women Lawyers for Social Justice have been working to promote the implementation of Resolution 1325 in Israel (Bouri, 2024). The Palestinian Ministry of Women’s Affairs has developed a NAP based on Resolution 1325, covering two phases, 2017-2019 and 2020-2024. The first phase focuses on recovery, relief, participation, accountability, protection, and prevention. The second phase adds the protection of girl women from conflict and occupation and enhances their participation in international and local political decision-making processes (GPPAC, 2022).

However, despite the growing attention to women’s role in peacebuilding, their actual participation is still limited by multiple structural barriers. In Israel, women have gained more seats in the Knesset, from 7 female members in 1988 to 30 in 2021. However, due to normative constraints such as culture and religion, female representatives in the government are not directly involved in negotiations to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as well as the peacebuilding process, and the increase in the number of female parliamentarians has failed to further translate into a substantial impact on peacebuilding (Itzkovitch-Malka & Friedberg, 2018). Israel’s compulsory military service is also an obstacle for women, who often face gender-based violence and exclusion from high-level decision-making while serving in the military (McLeod, 2019). Some Israeli women, such as Julia Chaitin, advocate for a conciliatory-leaning approach that recognizes Palestinian suffering and criticizes militaristic policies. However, these voices are often silenced by the dominant nationalist rhetoric (Chaitin, 2019).

Similarly, Palestinian women continue to be excluded from official political decision-making due to the entrenched male dominance in the political structure and patriarchal norms in society. However, Palestinian women creatively and actively advocate for peacebuilding through grassroots action - unlike the traditional narrative perspective that relies on official archives, Palestinian women are accustomed to relying on oral histories, utilizing their own experiences and voices, celebrating women’s cultures, and providing new perspectives on the conflict, as well as giving voice to marginalized groups affected by the conflict ( Hasabelnaby & Nasr, 2022). The Palestinian Center for Peace and Democracy (PCPD) and the Women’s Peace and Humanitarian Fund Rapid Response Window (WPHF RRW) also provide a voice for Palestinian women. These organizations train women of all ages to better engage in dialogue with decision-makers and increase female representation in peacebuilding and political decision-making (Bouri, 2024).

As mentioned above, women in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict face specific dilemmas that are cross-cultural for both Palestinian and Israeli women, and Yuval-Davis (1997) introduced the concept of “transversal politics” to emphasize that women from different cultural and ethnic backgrounds can connect through dialogue to form a model of cooperation that transcends identity politics. Yuval-Davis (1997) introduced the concept of transversal politics, which emphasizes that women from different cultural and ethnic backgrounds can connect through dialogue and form a mode of cooperation that transcends identity politics. In transversal dialogue, women recognize the “rootedness” of each other’s ethnicity and nationality but “shift” or transcend these differences through dialogue. It is no longer the identity of the oppressed that unites them in this intercultural dialog but rather shared normative values (Yuval-Davis, 1997).

Indeed, Palestinian-Israeli women’s cross-cultural exchange initiatives have gradually emerged to enhance mutual trust and contribute to peacemaking and broader social change. Sending the Declaration of Principles of the Oslo Accords in 1993 was an important milestone. This initiative institutionalized and financially supported civil dialogue between Palestinians and Israelis. In this context, hundreds of grassroots intercultural dialogue organizations emerged (Rynhold, 2007). In women’s peace movements, Jerusalem Link, officially founded in 1994, is one of the representatives of Bat Shalom (Daughters of Peace) in Israel and Marcaz al-Jerusalem (Jerusalem Women’s Center) in Palestine. “(Marcaz al-Quds la l-Nissah) in Palestine. Although the two organizations are run separately, they share a common goal of promoting “a just peace, democracy, human rights, and women’s rights,” which is the basis of their cooperation model as a coexistence of Jewish and Palestinian communities (Byrne, 2022). Additionally, under the auspices of the United Nations, elite women from Palestine, Israel, and the international community founded the International Women’s Coalition IWC in 2005 to work towards “an end to the Israeli occupation and the realization of a just peace, human rights, and equality based on international law” (Byrne, 2022). just peace, human rights, and equality” (Byrne, 2022).

However, Palestinian and Israeli women’s groups also face several challenges in cross-cultural cooperation that stem from different social positions, expectations, and experiences. First, the mainstream Israeli feminist movement is primarily led by middle-class, university-educated Israeli Jewish women, who find it difficult to fully recognize the unique experiences of Palestinian women, especially those who come from Arab backgrounds or live in occupied areas (Abdu, 2007).

In addition, the planning and implementation of intercultural cooperation initiatives often overlook the most critical structural political issue - the territorial dispute between Israel and Palestine. Insufficient attention has been paid to the fundamental difference in Palestinian and Israeli Jewish women’s identities as members of the “occupying” and “occupying” collectives, respectively, and to the very different experiences that accompany them. Cross-cultural dialogues between Palestinian and Israeli women are often based on the assumption that “shared female experiences can bridge political and cultural differences.” However, in practice, this assumption oversimplifies the particular challenges faced by women in different cultural groups. While Israeli Jewish women are more focused on their oppression and advocate for gender equality in peacebuilding, Palestinian women see these dialogues as an important platform for achieving national liberation and addressing the occupation (Sharoni, 2012). However, the emphasis on shared experiences often puts discussions around the key theme of “occupation” on hold, making it difficult for Palestinian women’s needs to be met. This problem is also exacerbated by third-party organizers, who may inadvertently prioritize the views of Jewish Israeli women, enabling them to dominate intercultural cooperation at the relative expense of Palestinian women’s demands (Sharoni, 2012). As a result, Palestinian women often express skepticism about intercultural initiatives, believing they do not truly represent their interests or do not lead to meaningful change (Daniele, 2011).

This disregard for intersectional complexity has resulted in a lack of truly effective communication and cooperation between Palestinian and Israeli women. As the Oslo Accords entered their second decade, the vision of Palestinian-Israeli women’s cross-cultural cooperation gradually broke down. Organizations such as Jerusalem Link began to fall apart with the outbreak of the second Palestinian Intifada in 2000, becoming worse after the 2008-2009 Gaza War, and the IWC was officially dissolved in 2011 (Richter- Devroe, 2018). To this day, peace remains elusive, and the separation wall built by Israel has made face-to-face communication between Palestinian and Israeli women more difficult.

In addition to Palestine and Israel, the foreign policies of the United States, as one of the most important intervening players in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, have profoundly affected the Palestinian-Israeli situation. At the same time, the lives of Palestinian, Arab, and Israeli minorities in the U.S. mainland are also affected by these foreign policies. In the face of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, the Biden administration’s foreign policy is best characterized by its ambiguity. On key issues such as the future of Jerusalem, the shape of the state, and Palestinian refugees, the Biden administration has failed to offer concrete solutions or goals. This approach differs from either Obama’s “New Beginnings” plan in Cairo or Trump’s “Peace for Prosperity” plan. Under the Trump administration, the all-encompassing pro-Israeli policies led to the withdrawal of Palestine from the peace talks.

In contrast, the Biden administration restored diplomatic relations with Palestine to bring Palestine back to the negotiating table (Huczko, 2023). At the same time, the White House also criticized Israel’s military operations in Gaza after the escalation of the situation in Gaza, accusing it of indiscriminate bombing. However, on the other hand, the Biden administration declared that Israel had not been found to violate international law in its use of U.S. weapons and continued to provide Israel with arms and aid. This ambiguous diplomatic strategy may leave minority groups, especially those of Palestinian and Arab descent, feeling that the administration’s position does not adequately respond to their needs and expectations (Warasti et al., 2022).

Amidst the tensions of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, the domestic legislative process in the United States has also been affected - as represented by H.R. 6408. The bill was introduced in November 2023 and passed with bipartisan support in mid-April. It authorizes government officials, specifically the Secretary of the Treasury, to unilaterally revoke the tax-exempt status of nonprofit organizations deemed to support terrorism (Congress, 2023). The legislation was motivated by concerns that specific organizations, particularly American Muslims for Palestine, would indirectly support Hamas because of their alleged ties to the previously shuttered Holy Land Foundation. Supporters of the bill argued that it was necessary to prevent the support of terrorism under the guise of charity (Lehmann, 2024).

However, implementing HR 6408 also raised concerns about free speech and potential abuse of power. Because the bill allows individual officials to exercise significant discretion without judicial oversight or standard legal procedures, it may exacerbate the marginalization of the American Muslim community (Lehmann, 2024). By labeling and influencing funding sources, this practice may increase social distrust and prejudice against members of minority groups, thereby inhibiting the expression of groups advocating for Palestinian rights in the public sphere.

In contemporary international relations and social development, gender perspectives have become a key factor in understanding legal policy and promoting social change. Women, especially minority women, face unique challenges and dilemmas amid conflict and social upheaval. This Part will explore how their situation can be improved through gender-sensitive peace initiatives, social inclusion, multicultural education, and sound legal protection. We will analyze the limitations of the existing international framework, propose concrete reforms, and emphasize the critical role of pluralistic subjects in providing legal assistance. Through these explorations, we aim to provide strong theoretical support and practical paths for realizing gender equality and social justice.

For the various plights of women in conflict, UNSCR 1325 is an essential milestone in integrating gender perspectives into the peace and security agenda. This resolution and its follow-up resolutions formed the four pillars of the “women, peace, and security agenda”: participation, protection, prevention, and relief and recovery. This international framework was subsequently strengthened through a series of Security Council resolutions: UNSCR 1820, which recognized sexual violence as a weapon of war; UNSCR 1888 and 1889, which established protection mechanisms; UNSCR 1960, 2106, and 2122, which strengthened accountability; UNSCR 2242; and UNSCR 2242, which integrated gender equality into emerging security issues. Equality into emerging security issues.

However, these international frameworks need to improve in practice. Research shows that women only made up 13 percent of negotiators, agreement signatories, and mediators in peace processes between 1992 and 2019 (UN Women, 2021). Female participation rates are even lower in the context of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Low participation rates reflect deep-rooted structural barriers, including socio-cultural constraints and systemic discrimination (Sharoni, 2012).

An important direction for policy reform is to ensure that women’s voices are heard in peace processes through the establishment of `gender participation’ quotas. Specific measures could include setting clear targets for gender participation and creating seats for women in peace negotiating teams (Sharoni, 2012). Research has shown that substantial female involvement can increase the sustainability of peace agreements by 35% (Krause et al., 2018). Gender perspectives should inform the entire policy framework of peace initiatives, especially in the occupied Palestinian territories, which are heavily affected by the conflict. A gender-sensitive policy framework can reduce female oppression (Abdo & Lentin, 2002). For example, when designing reconstruction plans, it is essential to consider women’s specific needs regarding access to resources and livelihood recovery and ensure that public resources benefit both men and women equitably. In addition, emphasizing the inclusion of gender issues in peace initiatives prompts policymakers to consider the long-term implications of gender equality in planning and implementation. The United Nations and other international organizations are essential in advancing gender equality policies. For example, UN Women can support female-led peace initiative projects through a dedicated fund. It supports relevant research and practice from the three aspects of funding, technology, and policy. Establishing a special fund can ensure women’s groups and grass-roots organizations have sustained financial support for post-conflict reconstruction and mediation. In addition, international organizations can also help minority women in Palestine and Israel to increase their influence in their struggle for equal rights through policy alignment (Holt & Jawad, 2013).

In conflict zones, ethnic minority women also often face social isolation and double oppression . Building support networks through community-led organizations can be an effective way to help these women cope with the daily challenges posed by gender and racial discrimination. Community-based organizations can provide legal aid, employment counseling, and acculturation training to minority women in Israel, helping them better integrate into local society. For minority female groups in Israel, such a support network provides emotional support and enhances their awareness of their rights (Herzog, 2004).

Some successful stories are presented below.

The issue of gender and racial discrimination in the workplace also requires systematic and inclusive policies to improve Palestinian-Israeli women’s opportunities in education and employment (Erdreich & Rapoport, 2002; Herzog, 2004). Specifically, anti-discrimination regulations can be enacted, and gender equality training can be introduced to increase gender sensitivity among business managers and employees. Incentives could be considered to encourage employers to hire minority women, such as tax breaks or subsidies for businesses that hire women (Al-Haj, 2002). At the same time, the establishment of gender and minority employment ratio targets can go some way to ensuring women’s employment rights, especially in light of the double inequality faced by minority women in the job market.

Currently, the legal protection of minority women in Israel and the Palestinian territories is primarily embodied in a combination of domestic laws, international treaties, and human rights conventions. While these legal frameworks are designed to safeguard the fundamental rights and interests of minority women, various challenges in their implementation render their protection less effective.

Regarding anti-discrimination legislation , Israel’s Basic Law of Human Dignity and Liberty is a constitutional framework to ensure equality. The Equal Employment Opportunities Law of 1988 prohibits discrimination based on race, religion, and gender and aims to protect minority women, including Arabs and Bedouins, from workplace discrimination (Shalhoub-Kevorkian, 2012). However, despite these legislations, systemic inequalities still prevail. Minority women (e.g., Arab, Ethiopian, and Bedouin) often face deeply rooted discrimination in the labor market, limiting their employment opportunities (Haj-Yahia, 2013). The Palestinian Basic Law emphasizes equality and anti-discrimination but lacks accompanying detailed legislation, resulting in insufficient implementation to eliminate discrimination in employment and public life (UN Women, 2020).

Regarding equality in employment , Israel has a Women’s Employment Law, related policies, and several positive action programs by governmental ministries to promote the employment of minority women, such as Arab women. However, the effectiveness of these measures is often limited by cultural discrimination, geographic segregation, and disparities in educational resources (Batshon, 2023). While the Palestinian Labor Law provides for equality between men and women, there are significant gaps in enforcing equal pay and eliminating discrimination in the workplace. Low labor participation mainly includes socio-cultural constraints, economic instability, and lack of adequate legal remedies (United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia, 2024).

In terms of legal protection against domestic violence , Israel provides protection orders and victim support services for victims of domestic violence by the Prevention of Domestic Violence Law, 1991. However, due to cultural, linguistic, and societal barriers, minority women have difficulty utilizing these legal protections to the fullest extent. In addition, the stigmatization of reporting violence in the community discourages them from seeking help. Legal protection against domestic violence in Palestine is limited, and existing protections are not effectively implemented in light of sociocultural norms. Despite Palestine’s ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), the practical effectiveness of protection measures is limited by weak enforcement (United Nations, 2017).

International human rights treaties theoretically provide additional protections for minority women. Both Israel and Palestine are signatories to multiple treaties that call for the elimination of discrimination and the promotion of gender equality, such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). However, both need help in translating these international obligations into adequate domestic protections. While Israel has legal obligations, implementation could be more substantial, and while Palestine has ratified several international agreements, the practical effectiveness of these commitments could be improved by decentralizing the legal system and reliance on traditional practices (United Nations, 2017).

In summary, while the Israeli and Palestinian legal frameworks provide a degree of protection for minority women in form, they still face many obstacles in practice. Anti-discrimination legislation is poorly enforced, equality in employment is difficult to achieve, and victims of domestic violence find it difficult to access practical help. Shortcomings in the domestic legal system also discount the impact of international human rights treaties. These problems highlight the need for comprehensive legal reform.

First, it is recommended that a multilingual legal aid system be established. Language barriers are an essential factor preventing ethnic minority women from obtaining legal support. The provision of multilingual legal aid services, including Arabic, Hebrew, and English, can help them better understand their rights and participate in the legal process. At the same time, the language of legal documents should be simplified to improve readability and ensure that legal aid is accessible to minority women (Shalhoub-Kevorkian, 2009). Multilingual support can help overcome the language barrier highlighted in the Samah Ismail case.

Second, anti-discrimination training for law enforcement officials needs to be strengthened. Bias on the part of law enforcement officials can prevent minority women from seeking access to justice. Therefore, mandatory anti-discrimination and gender-awareness training should be provided to police, prosecutors, and judges to enhance their cultural sensitivity and ensure the impartiality of the law enforcement process. The training content should include anti-racial and gender discrimination, respect for multiculturalism, and protection of the rights and interests of vulnerable groups (Haj-Yahia, 2013). Impartial law enforcement is the key to breaking the lack of recourse for ethnic minority women.

Again, efforts should be made to improve the accessibility of legal aid . Providing ethnic minority women with more legal service options, such as mobile legal clinics and online counseling platforms, can help them get the help they need across geographic, economic, and other barriers. Collaborating with local community organizations to disseminate legal knowledge through mutual help networks among women is also an effective way to improve accessibility. Increasing funding for legal aid for marginalized groups and applying a gender lens to allocating funds and service delivery are critical to expanding access (Chopra & Isser, 2012).

Finally, the creation of specialized courts or tribunals is another important initiative. Specialized handling of cases involving minority women, such as domestic violence and employment discrimination, can pool resources to provide more professional, efficient, and caring services for case handling. Specialized courts are conducive to accumulating trial experience and avoiding possible bias in mainstream courts. For example, the establishment of a specialized sexual violence court in South Africa has resulted in a smoother trial process and an increased sense of support for victims (Department of Justice and Constitutional Development Republic of South Africa, 2013).

Governments, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and legal practitioners such as lawyers all have a key role in providing legal assistance to ethnic minority women.

The judiciary is responsible for establishing the public legal aid system for the government. However, legal aid services for minorities remain weak in Israel and Palestine. The Legal Aid Agency of the Ministry of Justice of Israel is deficient in cultural sensitivity and accessibility of services to meet the needs of Palestinian women effectively. Government departments should invest more in improving the delivery of services, for example, by establishing specialized legal aid centers, providing multilingual services, simplifying the application process, and enhancing the training of legal aid staff to increase their cultural sensitivity and gender awareness. In addition, the views of ethnic minority women should be actively listened to in the policymaking process to ensure that their needs are fully taken into account. (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 2016)

NGOs, on the other hand, are an important complementary force to legal aid. Through funding support, volunteering, and other means, NGOs can provide more culturally sensitive help. For example, organizations such as Women Against Violence, which focuses on defending the rights of Arab women, providing them with legal advice and representation, and challenging patriarchal norms in their families and communities, are a force that minority women can trust. Supporting the development of NGOs and encouraging their complementarity with government services is essential to building a comprehensive legal aid network.

International NGOs also play a unique role. As an external force, international NGOs can promote international attention to issues and advocate for the local implementation of international human rights standards. For example, through field research and the publication of reports, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have revealed the legal dilemmas faced by ethnic minority women, advocated for policy reforms, and sought to influence the international community. Cooperation between international NGOs and local organizations has helped to advance issues in the context of global feminism.

内容来源｜李梦萱 黎璇 王雨杉 许鸿轩

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